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At the time, Nuralam was working as a rickshaw driver in a city called Sittwe. He never went to school.

When he went home on July 8, , he found his neighbor lying in front of the house -- her decapitated head next to her body.

Nuralam had witnessed the Buddhists herd together the Rohingya. As they set homes ablaze, Nuralam hid in the bushes. That night he ran away from the district where they lived in Sittwe.

The government assigned him a place to live in a camp. The state of Rakhine is reflective of Burma's inner turmoil.

On the one hand, you have a country that has opened up since President Thein Sein entered into office in March after nearly 50 years of military dictatorship.

Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy obtained official recognition as an opposition party, political prisoners were freed and the West lifted most sanctions against the country.

For a time, at least, Burma appeared to be one of the few encouraging stories developing around the world. But the reforms soon stalled -- and the wave of violence against the Rohingya began.

During the fragile political transition to democracy in recent years, the government has rekindled the old conflict. Burma's identity is defined to a large degree by religion, and many Buddhists believe that the Muslim Rohingya were first brought to the country through its former British colonial rulers.

They feel threatened by them. In fact, the Muslim community has existed in Burma since the 16th century. During the British colonial period, Muslims also came as workers.

When Burma became independent in , Muslims represented the majority in many areas in Rakhine, but the Buddhists accused them of having aided the British.

In , the Rohingya were refused Burmese citizenship and discrimination against them continues today. There are few traces of the work by international organizations in the camp where Nuralam now has to live.

In , Buddhists in Rakhine stormed the local offices of Doctors without Borders, smashed furniture and demanded that they be given half of all the aid.

Now their committees control the camps, leaving schools without teachers and infirmaries where one can never be certain if a doctor is actually going to come.

Nuralam is familiar with the four race laws that are currently being discussed in parliament. One states that women must submit an application if they want to marry a Muslim man.

Another would outlaw polygamy. In some regions, women will only be permitted to give birth to one child every three years.

And those who want to switch religions must first apply with the state. President Thein Sein just signed the birth rule into law.

Human rights activists fear that it could now be applied by regional governments in areas where Rohingya reside. The smuggler who met Nuralam on the beach took him down the coast to a ship that had come from Thailand.

Some Rohingya from Burma and Bangladesh boarded the ship. More than , Rohingya live in Bangladesh, with most fleeing poverty. Outside on the water, when the crew pointed to a place for him on the deck, Nuralam says he began to cry as he thought of his sleeping mother.

Still, he felt he was doing the right thing. The smuggler had promised Nuralam a job at a factory in Malaysia and didn't demand any money from him -- at least initially.

On the boat, the smuggler gave out rice, a glass of water and salt. He ordered the refugees to sit quietly. One day, when Nuralam went to the bathroom for a second time, one of the smugglers struck him with an iron chain.

Nuralam was made to spend one month living in an area measuring one square meter, with his hands and feet bound -- a man rolled into a ball and ready, at any time, to be swallowed by the sea.

Nuralam says that the refugees from Sittwe weren't ordered to pay until they sought to disembark the boat.

Those who don't have the money are held on the boat by the smugglers or taken to a shack in the jungle. They call up relatives of the refugees, pour scalding hot water on them or tear off fingernails in order to coerce the families into paying.

Nuralam's ship stopped just off the coast of Thailand. Once again he was without a home, only this time on the high seas.

Human rights activists estimate that around 4, Rohingya are still stranded in boats. Just days ago, Indonesia and Malaysia made concessions and agreed to take in Rohingya for a year in a what equated to a stopgap emergency measure.

Since the beginning of May, when mass graves were discovered in Thailand -- likely the remains of Rohingya -- Thai authorities have tightened border controls.

In recent days, further mass graves were discovered in the jungle in Malaysia, where bands of human-traffickers had detained hundreds of refugees and once again extorted their families to pay.

Nuralam's older sister walks into the hut at the camp in Sittwe. She looks at her brother reproachfully as he explains how they anchored off the coast of Thailand for 10 days.

Of how he feared he would die of thirst and hunger. Of how the Thai Navy forced the boat to turn around. How he then returned to Sittwe a week ago, weakened and filled with shame.

But to get it, they also have to accept the name "Bengali". It may appear to be a generous gesture on the part of the state, but the reality is that few Rohingya have identity papers.

And that's just how the country's Buddhist majority would like to see it, especially nationalist organizations like the Movement, which has a great deal of influence in Burma.

They hold that anyone who is not a Theravada Buddhist also can't truly be Burmese. He's a small and soft-spoken man with a gentle smile, but he has been called the "Burmese bin Laden" and, on the cover of Time magazine, the "Face of Buddhist Terror.

Having been released through an amnesty program a few years ago, he now leaders 2, monks in Mandalay. But many view him as being a regime puppet.

On this particular morning, Wirathu sits in a red robe in a prayer room, with monks silently bowing before him. There are pictures in the next room of mutilated people -- allegedly Buddhists killed by Muslims.

When asked what he considers to be his most important activities, he answers, "Facebook. There's also a Wirathu app and YouTube videos -- he gives speeches across the entire country.

Wirathu always talks about the same subject: His claim that the Rohingya want to take over Burma. He says the step is not out of concern he might be misunderstood and assures that he doesn't want anyone to die.

When asked what the Movement wants, Wirathu, who has been a monk since he was 14, says, "We ensure Burma's identity and religion.

Asked what it is he has against the Rohingya, he says, "The Muslims are in the minority here, but they are also a threat to us: They want to turn the state of Rakhine into a Bengali republic.

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That night he ran away from the district where they lived in Sittwe. The government assigned him a place to live in a camp.

The state of Rakhine is reflective of Burma's inner turmoil. On the one hand, you have a country that has opened up since President Thein Sein entered into office in March after nearly 50 years of military dictatorship.

Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy obtained official recognition as an opposition party, political prisoners were freed and the West lifted most sanctions against the country.

For a time, at least, Burma appeared to be one of the few encouraging stories developing around the world.

But the reforms soon stalled -- and the wave of violence against the Rohingya began. During the fragile political transition to democracy in recent years, the government has rekindled the old conflict.

Burma's identity is defined to a large degree by religion, and many Buddhists believe that the Muslim Rohingya were first brought to the country through its former British colonial rulers.

They feel threatened by them. In fact, the Muslim community has existed in Burma since the 16th century.

During the British colonial period, Muslims also came as workers. When Burma became independent in , Muslims represented the majority in many areas in Rakhine, but the Buddhists accused them of having aided the British.

In , the Rohingya were refused Burmese citizenship and discrimination against them continues today. There are few traces of the work by international organizations in the camp where Nuralam now has to live.

In , Buddhists in Rakhine stormed the local offices of Doctors without Borders, smashed furniture and demanded that they be given half of all the aid.

Now their committees control the camps, leaving schools without teachers and infirmaries where one can never be certain if a doctor is actually going to come.

Nuralam is familiar with the four race laws that are currently being discussed in parliament. One states that women must submit an application if they want to marry a Muslim man.

Another would outlaw polygamy. In some regions, women will only be permitted to give birth to one child every three years.

And those who want to switch religions must first apply with the state. President Thein Sein just signed the birth rule into law.

Human rights activists fear that it could now be applied by regional governments in areas where Rohingya reside. The smuggler who met Nuralam on the beach took him down the coast to a ship that had come from Thailand.

Some Rohingya from Burma and Bangladesh boarded the ship. More than , Rohingya live in Bangladesh, with most fleeing poverty.

Outside on the water, when the crew pointed to a place for him on the deck, Nuralam says he began to cry as he thought of his sleeping mother.

Still, he felt he was doing the right thing. The smuggler had promised Nuralam a job at a factory in Malaysia and didn't demand any money from him -- at least initially.

On the boat, the smuggler gave out rice, a glass of water and salt. He ordered the refugees to sit quietly. One day, when Nuralam went to the bathroom for a second time, one of the smugglers struck him with an iron chain.

Nuralam was made to spend one month living in an area measuring one square meter, with his hands and feet bound -- a man rolled into a ball and ready, at any time, to be swallowed by the sea.

Nuralam says that the refugees from Sittwe weren't ordered to pay until they sought to disembark the boat. Those who don't have the money are held on the boat by the smugglers or taken to a shack in the jungle.

They call up relatives of the refugees, pour scalding hot water on them or tear off fingernails in order to coerce the families into paying.

Nuralam's ship stopped just off the coast of Thailand. Once again he was without a home, only this time on the high seas. Human rights activists estimate that around 4, Rohingya are still stranded in boats.

Just days ago, Indonesia and Malaysia made concessions and agreed to take in Rohingya for a year in a what equated to a stopgap emergency measure.

Since the beginning of May, when mass graves were discovered in Thailand -- likely the remains of Rohingya -- Thai authorities have tightened border controls.

In recent days, further mass graves were discovered in the jungle in Malaysia, where bands of human-traffickers had detained hundreds of refugees and once again extorted their families to pay.

Nuralam's older sister walks into the hut at the camp in Sittwe. She looks at her brother reproachfully as he explains how they anchored off the coast of Thailand for 10 days.

Of how he feared he would die of thirst and hunger. Of how the Thai Navy forced the boat to turn around. How he then returned to Sittwe a week ago, weakened and filled with shame.

But to get it, they also have to accept the name "Bengali". It may appear to be a generous gesture on the part of the state, but the reality is that few Rohingya have identity papers.

And that's just how the country's Buddhist majority would like to see it, especially nationalist organizations like the Movement, which has a great deal of influence in Burma.

They hold that anyone who is not a Theravada Buddhist also can't truly be Burmese. He's a small and soft-spoken man with a gentle smile, but he has been called the "Burmese bin Laden" and, on the cover of Time magazine, the "Face of Buddhist Terror.

Having been released through an amnesty program a few years ago, he now leaders 2, monks in Mandalay. But many view him as being a regime puppet.

On this particular morning, Wirathu sits in a red robe in a prayer room, with monks silently bowing before him.

There are pictures in the next room of mutilated people -- allegedly Buddhists killed by Muslims.

When asked what he considers to be his most important activities, he answers, "Facebook. There's also a Wirathu app and YouTube videos -- he gives speeches across the entire country.

Wirathu always talks about the same subject: His claim that the Rohingya want to take over Burma. He says the step is not out of concern he might be misunderstood and assures that he doesn't want anyone to die.

When asked what the Movement wants, Wirathu, who has been a monk since he was 14, says, "We ensure Burma's identity and religion. Asked what it is he has against the Rohingya, he says, "The Muslims are in the minority here, but they are also a threat to us: They want to turn the state of Rakhine into a Bengali republic.

Questioned about why the country isn't helping the refugees, Wirathu says, "Burma has no responsibility for them. After all, stateless people cannot be refugees.

He claims that Saudi Arabia is financing the Rohingya. A new day breaks in the Rohingya camp in Sittwe. Nuralam woke up at 5 a. Rush von Beide glitzern noch heute an den Casino- fassaden..

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